In some countries where racial prejudice is acute, violence has so come to be taken for granted as a means of solving differences, that it is not even questioned. There are countries where the white man imposes his rule by brute force; there are countries where the black man protests by setting fire to cities and by looting and pillaging. Important people on both sides, who would in other respects appear to be reasonable men, get up and calmly argue in favor of violence – as if it were a legitimate solution, like any other. What is really frightening, what really fills you with despair, is the realization that when it comes to the crunch, we have made no actual progress at all. We may wear collars and ties instead of war-paint, but our instincts remain basically unchanged. The whole of the recorded history of the human race, that tedious documentation of violence, has taught us absolutely nothing. We have still not learnt that violence never solves a problem but makes it more acute. The sheer horror, the bloodshed, the suffering mean nothing. No solution ever comes to light the morning after when we dismally contemplate the smoking ruins and wonder what hit us. The truly reasonable men who know where the solutions lie are finding it harder and herder to get a hearing. They are despised, mistrusted and even persecuted by their own kind because they advocate such apparently outrageous things as law enforcement. If half the energy that goes into violent acts were put to good use, if our efforts were directed at cleaning up the slums and ghettos, at improving living-standards and providing education and employment for all, we would have gone a long way to arriving at a solution. Our strength is sapped by having to mop up the mess that violence leaves in its wake. In a well-directed effort, it would not be impossible to fulfill the ideals of a stable social programme. The benefits that can be derived from constructive solutions are everywhere apparent in the world around us. Genuine and lasting solutions are always possible, providing we work within the framework of the law. Before we can even begin to contemplate peaceful co-existence between the races, we must appreciate each other's problems. And to do this, we must learn about them: it is a simple exercise in communication, in exchanging information. "Talk, talk, talk," the advocates of violence say, "all you ever do is talk, and we are none the wiser." It's rather like the story of the famous barrister who painstakingly explained his case to the judge. After listening to a lengthy argument the judge complained that after all this talk, he was none the wiser. "Possible, my lord," the barrister replied, "none the wiser, but surely far better informed." Knowledge is the necessary prerequisite to wisdom: the knowledge that violence creates the evils it pretends to solve.

1. What is the best title for this passage?

[A] Advocating Violence.

[B] Violence Can Do Nothing to Diminish Race Prejudice.

[C] Important People on Both Sides See Violence As a Legitimate Solution.

[D] The Instincts of Human Race Are Thirsty for Violence.

2. Recorded history has taught us

[A] violence never solves anything. [B] nothing. [C] the bloodshed means nothing. [D]everything.

3. It can be inferred that truly reasonable men

[A] can't get a hearing.

[B] are looked down upon.

[C] are persecuted.

[D] Have difficulty in

advocating law enforcement.

4. "He was none the wiser" means

[A] he was not at all wise in listening.

[B] He was not at all wiser than nothing before.

[C] He gains nothing after listening.

[D] He makes no sense of the argument.

5. According the author the best way to solve race prejudice is

[A] law enforcement. [B] knowledge. [C] nonviolence. [D] Mopping up the violent mess.

Bernard Bailyn has recentlyreinterpretedthe early historyof the United States by applyingnew socialresearchfindingson theexperiencesofEuropean migrants.Inhisreinterpretation,migrationbecomes the organizingprinciplefor rewritingthe historyofpreindustrial North America. His approach rests on four separate propositions.The firstof these asserts that residentsof early modern England moved regularlyabouttheir countryside; migrating to the New World was simply a natural spillover. Although atfirstthe colonies held littlepositiveattractionfor the English D they would rather havestayed home D by the eighteenth century people increasingly migrated to America becausethey regarded it as the land of opportunity. Secondly, Bailyn holds that, contrary to thenotion that used to flourish in America history textbooks, there was never a typical NewWorld community.For example, the economic and demographiccharacterof early New Englandtowns varied considerably.Bailyn's third proposition suggest two general patterns prevailing among the manythousands of migrants:one group came as indenturedservants,another came to acquire land.Surprisingly,Bailyn suggests that those who recruitedindentured servants were the drivingforces of transatlanticmigration.These colonialentrepreneurshelped determine the socialcharacterof people who came to preindustrialNorth America.At first,thousands ofunskilled laborers were recruited; by the 1730's, however, American employers demandedskilled artisans.Finally, Bailyn argues that the colonies were a half-civilized hinterland of theEuropean culture system. He is undoubtedly correct to insist that the colonies were partof an Anglo-American empire. But to divide the empire into English core and colonialperiphery, as Bailyn does, devalues the achievements of colonial culture. It is true, asBailyn claims, that high culture in the colonies never matched that in England. But whatof seventeenth-century New England, where the settlers created effective laws, built adistinguished university, and published books Bailyn might respond that New England wasexceptional. However, the ideas and institutions developed by New England Puritans hadpowerful effects on North American culture.Although Bailyn goes on to apply his approach to some thousands of indenturedservantswho migrated just prior to the revolution, he fails to link their experience with thepolitical development of the United States. Evidence presented in his work suggests howwe might make such a connection. These indentured servants were treated as slaves for theperiod during which they had sold their time to American employers. It is not surprisingthat as soon as they served their time they passed up good wages in the cities and headedwest to ensure theirpersonal independence by acquiringland. Thus, it is in the west thata peculiarly American political culture began, among colonists who were suspicious ofauthority and intensely anti-aristocratic.

1.Which of the followingstatements about migrants to colonialNorth America is supportedby information in the text

[A] A larger percentage of migrants to colonial North America came as indenturedservants than as free agents interested in acquiring land.

[B] Migrants who came to the colonies as indentured servants were more successful atmaking a livelihood than were farmers and artisans.

[C] Migrants to colonialNorth America were more successfulat acquiringtheir own landduring the eighteenth century than during the seventeenth century.

[D] By the 1730's,migrants already skilled in a trade were in more demand by Americanemployers than were unskilled laborers.

2.The author of the text states that Bailyn failed to

[A] Give sufficient emphasis to the cultural and political interdependence of thecolonies and England.

[B] Describe carefully how migrants of different ethnic backgrounds preserved theirculture in the United States.

[C] Take advantage of social research on the experiences of colonists who migrated tocolonial North America specifically to acquire land.

[D] Relate the experience of the migrants to the politicalvalues that eventuallyshapedthe character of the United States.

3.Which of the following best summarizes the author's evaluation of Bailyn's fourthproposition

[A] It is totally implausible.

[B] It is partially acceptable.

[C] It is highly admirable.

[D] It is controversial though persuasive.

4.According to the text,Bailyn and the author agree on which of the followingstatementsabout the culture of colonial New England

[A] High culture in New England never equaled the high culture of England.

[B] The culturalachievements of colonialNew England have generallybeen unrecognizedby historians.

[C] The colonistsimitatedthe high cultureof England ， and did not develop a culturethat was uniquely their own.

[D] The southern colonies were greatly influenced by the high culture of New England.

5.The author of the text would be most likely to agree with which of the followingstatements about Bailyn's work

[A] Bailyn underestimates the effects of Puritan thought on North American culture.

[B] Bailyn overemphasizes the economic dependence of the colonies on Great Britain.

[C] Bailyn'sdescriptionof thecoloniesas part of an Anglo-American empireis misleading and incorrect.

[D] Bailyn failedto test his propositionson a specificgroup of migrants to colonialNorth America.

汉译英：手机改变了人与人之间的关系。 通常有注意到会议室的门上的告示，写着―关闭手机。‖然而，会议室仍然充满着铃声。我们都是普通人，没有很多重要的事情。但是，我们也不愿轻易关闭手机。打开手机象征着我们与世界的联系。 手机反映出我们的社交饥渴。我们经常看到，一个人走着走着，就突然停下来了，眼睛盯着他的手机，不管他在那里，无论是在道路中心或旁边有厕所。

汉译英;但是正如其他许多已经发生过的事情一样，当他们最终结婚后， 发现最憧憬的生活变得再实际不过了。他们非但没有分担各自原先的责任--- 正如那些学生们所说 " 一半一半 " ，相反却发现生活的重担加倍了。 这使得我们那两个结婚的朋友时常觉得沮丧;他们突然发现自己并没有过着天堂般的生活而是仍实实在在地生活在地球上，而且成为了新规则和新约束的奴隶。生活并没有比以前更自由、更幸福，因为他们要去承担新的责任。 既然成立了一个新的家庭， 那就无论如何也要尽一点家庭的义务。 他们深情地回想起订婚的那段时光， 曾经如此地渴望拥有彼此而忘掉这个世界，然而现在最深切的感受却是自己仍是这个世界的一份子。

The first step in the study of any language is observing and ____ precisely what happens when native speakers speak it.